CHAPTER
TEN: CONGRESS
The
founding fathers intended for Congress to be the central policy-making body in
the federal government. Although the power of Congress has fluctuated over the
years, today it shares with the presidency and the judiciary the responsibility
of making key policy decisions that shape the course of the nation.
Although
the founders saw Congress as the body most directly in touch with the people,
most people today have negative overall views of both houses.
Approval ratings have hovered for years at about 30%, although in recent
years those ratings have climbed somewhat higher.
Yet the majority of voters express higher approval ratings (60 to 70%)
for the members of congress from their districts.
Members of Congress are seen as working for their constituents, but
Congress as a whole supposedly represents the nation as a whole.
These seemingly contradictory expectations create different pressures on
members of Congress.
Americans elect their senators and representatives.
This direct link between the legislature and the people is a very
important part of our democracy. Should Congress, then, reflect the will of the people?
Or should they pay attention to their own points of view, even if they
disagree with their constituents? Many
considerations influence the voting patterns of members of Congress, including
the following:
At its creation in 1789 the legislative branch was a
unique invention. Rule by kings and
emperors was an old style of government, and the legislature in many ways
represented the new. Almost
certainly, the founders intended that Congress have more important powers than
they granted to the president and the judiciary.
However, they placed many checks and balances on the legislature that
have shaped what we have today. They
controlled power not only by checks from the other branches, but by creating a
bicameral (two-House) Congress ö the Senate and the House of
Representatives. The powers of
Congress are both constitutional and evolutionary.
THE STRUCTURE OF CONGRESS
Originally,
the Constitution provided for members of the House of Representatives to be
elected directly by the people and the Senate to be chosen by the legislatures
of each state. The membership of the House was based on population with larger
states having more representatives, and the Senate was to have equal
representation, two senators per state. In 1913 the 17th amendment provided for
direct election of senators.
A
representative was required to be 25 years old, seven years a citizen of the
United States, and a citizen of the state represented. A representative's term
was set at two years. A senator served a six year term and was to be at least 30
years old, nine years a citizen, and a citizen of the state represented. The
number of terms either representatives or senators could serve was not limited.
The original number of representatives was 65; in 1911, the size was limited to
435. Representatives are reapportioned among the states every ten years after
the census is taken.
CONSTITUTIONAL POWERS
The
powers of Congress are defined in Article I, section 8 of the Constitution:
In
addition the "elastic" clause (also called the ãnecessary and
properä clause) allowed the government to "make all laws which shall be
necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all
other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United
States."
The
Constitution also gives each house of Congress some special, exclusive powers.
Such powers given to the House of Representatives are:
Special, exclusive powers given to the Senate are
Important Constitutional Differences between the House and the Senate |
|
House |
Senate |
|
Initiates
all revenue bills |
Must
confirm many major presidential appointments |
|
Initiates
impeachment procedures and passes articles of impeachment |
Tries
impeachment officials |
|
Two-year
terms |
Six-year
terms (One-third up for reelection every two years) |
|
453
members (apportioned by population) |
100
members (two from each state) |
|
Members
at least 25 years of age, 7 years a citizen |
Senators
at least 30 years of age, 9 years a citizen |
|
|
Approves
treaties |
The ãelasticä
(or ãnecessary and properä clause) gives Congress the authority to pass laws
it deems ãnecessary and properä to carry out its enumerated functions.
Many congressional powers that have evolved over the years are based on
this important clause.
Two
important evolutionary powers are:
Political
parties are very important in both the House of Representatives and the Senate
today. Even though political
parties donât play as big a role in elections as they once did, they still
provide the basic organization of leadership in Congress.
After
each legislative election the party that wins the most representatives is
designated the ãmajorityä in each house, and the other party is
called the ãminority.ä Usually,
the same party holds both houses, but occasionally they are split.
For example, from 1983-85, the House majority was Democratic and the
Senate majority was Republican. The
split happened again in 2001, when an evenly divided Senate became Democratic
when Senator Jim Jeffords dropped his affiliation with the Republican Party to
become an independent. These
designations are important because the majority party holds the most significant
leadership positions.
LEADERSHIP IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
The
Speaker of the House is the most important leadership position in the
House. This office is provided for in the Constitution, and even though it says
"The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other
Officers," in truth the majority party does the choosing. Before each
Congress convenes the majority party selects its candidate, who almost always is
the person selected. The Speaker typically has held other leadership positions
and is a senior member of the party. Around the turn of the century, the Speaker
was all powerful, especially under the leadership of Joe Cannon and Thomas Reed.
A revolt by the membership in 1910 gave some of the Speaker's powers to
committees, but the Speaker still has some important powers:
The
Speaker's most important colleague is the majority leader, whose position
is often a stepping-stone to the Speaker's position. The majority leader is
responsible for scheduling bills and for rounding up votes for bills the party
favors.
The
minority leader is the spokesperson for the minority party, and usually
steps into the position of Speaker when and if his or her party gains a majority
in the House. Assisting each floor leader are the party whips, who serve
as go-betweens for the members and the leadership. They inform members when
important bills will come up for a vote, do nose-counts for the leadership, and
pressure members to support the leadership.
LEADERSHIP IN THE SENATE
The
Senate is characterized by its highest positions actually having very little
power. By Constitutional provision,
the president of the Senate is the vice-president of the United States. A
vice-president can vote only in case of a tie and seldom attends Senate
sessions. The Senate selects from among the majority party a largely ceremonial president
pro tempore, usually the most senior member in the party. The president
pro tempore is the official chair, but since the job has no real powers, the
job of presiding over the Senate is usually given to a junior senator.
The real
leaders of the Senate are the majority leader and the minority leader.
The Senate majority leader is often the most influential person in the Senate,
and has the right to be the first senator heard on the floor. The majority
leader determines the Senate's agenda and usually has much to say about
committee assignments. The majority leader may consult with the minority leader
in setting the agenda, but the minority leader generally only has as much say as
the majority leader is willing to allow. The Senate also has party whips that
serve much the same functions as they serve in the House.
COMMITTEES
AND SUBCOMMITTEES: CONGRESS AT WORK
Most
of the real work of Congress goes on in committees and subcommittees. Bills are
worked out or killed in committees, and committees investigate problems and
oversee the executive branch.
TYPES OF COMMITTEES
There
are four types of committees:
Standing Committees of
Congress
|
|
House Committees
|
Senate Committees
|
|
Agriculture |
Agriculture,
Nutrition, and Forestry |
|
Appropriations |
Appropriations |
|
Armed
Services |
Armed
Services |
|
Budget |
Banking,
Housing, and Urban Affairs |
|
Education
and the Workforce |
Budget |
|
Energy
and Commerce |
Commerce,
Science, and Transportation |
|
Financial
Service |
Energy
and Natural Resources |
|
Government
Reform |
Environment
and Public Works |
|
House
Administration |
Finance |
|
International
Relations |
Foreign
Relations |
|
Judiciary |
Governmental
Affairs |
|
Resources |
Health,
Education, Labor, and Pensions |
|
Rules |
Judiciary |
|
Science |
Rules
and Administration |
|
Small
Business |
Small
Business and Entrepreneurship |
|
Standards
of Official Conduct |
Veterans
Affairs |
|
Transportation
and Infrastructure |
|
|
Veterans
Affairs |
|
|
Ways
and Means |
|
THE WORK OF COMMITTEES
More
than 11,000 bills are introduced in the House and Senate over the two-year life
span of a Congress, and all of them cannot possibly be considered by the full
memberships. Each bill is submitted to a committee that has life or death
control over its future. The majority of bills are pigeonholed, or
forgotten for weeks or forever, and never make it out of committee. They are
submitted to a subcommittee that will discuss them and possibly hold hearings
for them. About 3000 staff assist the various committees and subcommittees,
conducting research and administrative and clerical work. Supporters and critics
of the bill appear at the hearings and are questioned by subcommittee members.
The
bills that survive this far into the process are then marked up (changed
or rewritten) and returned to the full committee where they may be altered
further. If the committee approves a bill, it will then be sent first to the
Rules Committee in the House, and then to the floor. The bill is sent directly to the floor in the Senate
COMMITTEE MEMBERSHIP
Committee
membership is controlled by the parties, primarily by the majority party. The
chairman and a majority of each standing committee come from the majority party.
The remaining committee members are from the minority party, but they are always
a minority on the committee. In the House of Representatives, a Committee on
Committees places Republicans on committees, and the Steering and Policy
Committee selects the Democrats. In the Senate, each party has a small Steering
Committee that makes committee assignments. Assignments are based on the
personal and political qualities of the member, his or her region, and whether
the assignment will help reelect the member.
Getting
on the right committee is very important to most members of Congress. A member
from a "safe" district whose reelection is secure may want to serve on
an important committee that promotes a power base in Washington. On the other
hand, a member who has few ambitions beyond his or her current position and
whose reelection is less secure may want to serve on a committee that suits the
needs of constituents. For example, a less secure representative from rural
Kansas may prefer to serve on the Agriculture Committee.
COMMITTEE CHAIRMEN
Committee
chairmen are the most important shapers of the committee agenda. Their positions
were made more powerful in the House by the 1910 revolt which transferred power
from the Speaker to the chairmen. From 1910 until the early 1970s, chairmen were
strictly chosen by the seniority system, in which the member with the
longest continuous service on the committee was placed automatically in the
chairmanship. In the early 1970s, the House decided to elect committee chairmen
by secret ballots from all the majority members. As a result, several committee
chairmen were removed, and although most chairmen still get their positions
through seniority, it is possible to be removed or overlooked.
THE RULES COMMITTEE IN THE HOUSE
The
Rules Committee in the House of Representatives plays a key role in shaping
legislation because it sets very important rules for debate when the bill is
presented to the House after it leaves the committee.
CAUCUSES
Although
Congress is organized formally through its party leadership and committee
system, equally important is the informal network of caucuses, groupings
of members of Congress sharing the same interests or points of view. There are
currently more than seventy of these groups, and their goal is to shape the
agenda of Congress, which they do by elevating their issues or interests to a
prominent place in the daily workings of Congress.
Some
caucuses are regionally based, such as the Conservative Democratic Forum (also
known as the Boll Weevils because they are mostly from the South), the Sunbelt
Caucus, and the Northeast-Midwest Congressional Coalition. Others share racial,
ethnic, or gender characteristics, such as the Congressional Black Caucus, or
the Womenâs Caucus. One of the oldest is the Democratic Study Group, which
encourages unity among liberal Democrats. Others share specialized interests,
such as the Steel Caucus and the Mushroom Caucus.
Within
Congress caucuses press for committees to hold hearings, and they organize votes
on bills they favor. Caucuses also pressure agencies within the bureaucracy to
act according to the interest of the caucus.
STAFF
More
than 30,000 people work in paid bureaucratic positions for Congress.
About half of them serve as personal staff for members of Congress or as
committee staff members. The
personal staff includes professionals that manage the memberâs time, draft
legislation, and deal with media and constituents.
Staffers also must maintain local offices in the memberâs home district
or state. The average Senate office
employs about thirty staff members, but senators from the most populous states
commonly employ more. House office
staffs are usually about half as large as those of the Senate. Overall, the number of staff members has increased
dramatically since 1960.
Members
of Congress are far from typical Americans, but they have a number of
characteristics in common:
The fact that
members of Congress represent privileged Americans is controversial. Some argue
that the composition of Congress does not provide adequate representation for
ordinary Americans. Others believe that a group of demographically average
Americans would have difficulty making major policy decisions and that elites
can represent people who have different personal characteristics from
themselves.
It
is important to note that Congress has gradually become less male and less
white. Between 1950 and 2005 the number of women senators rose from 2 to 14, and
female representatives have increased from 10 to 68. There were 40 black
representatives in the 109th Congress, as compared to 2 in the 82nd (1951-52).
Although there is only one black senator in the 109th Congress, there
were none in the 82nd Congress. Today, the House has 23 Hispanics, and the
Senate has 2. The 109th
Congress also has 5 Asian Representatives and 2 Asian senators.
INCUMBENTS
During
the 1800s most members of Congress served only one term, returning home to their
careers when they completed their service. During the 20th century, serving in
Congress has become a lifetime career for most members, and the number of
incumbents, or those who already hold the office, with secure seats, has
increased dramatically.
Scholars
do not agree on all the reasons for the incumbency trend. Some believe that with
fewer voters strongly attached to parties, people are voting for individuals,
not for candidates because they are Democrats or Republicans. Incumbents have
more name recognition than challengers; therefore are more likely to be elected.
Incumbents enjoy free mailings (called the franking privilege), more experience
with campaigning, and greater access to the media. They also raise campaign
money more easily than challengers, because lobbyists and political action
committees seek their favors. Today $8 of every $10 of PAC money is given to
incumbents.
REPRESENTATION
For
many years, any state with more than one representative has elected their
representatives from single-member districts. Two problems emerged from
single-member districting:
MINORITY/MAJORITY DISTRICTING
Gerrymandering
continues to be an issue today.
A more recent form that appeared shortly after
the 1990 census is minority/majority districting, or rearranging
districts to allow a minority representative to be elected, is just as
controversial as the old style party gerrymandering. The Justice Department ordered North Carolinaâs 12th
district to redraw their proposed boundaries in order to allow for the election
of one more black representative. This
action resulted in a Supreme Court case, Shaw v. Reno, which the
plaintiffs charging the Justice Department with reverse discrimination based on
the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment.
The Court ruled narrowly, but allowed the district lines to be redrawn
according to Justice Department standards.
During
the 1990s several cases were brought to the Supreme Court regarding racial
gerrymandering. The Court ruled in
ãEasley v. Cromartieä (2001) that race may be a factor in
redistricting, but not the ãdominant and controllingä one.
An important result of the various decisions has been a substantial
increase in the number of black and Latino representatives in the House.
Creating
legislation is what the business of Congress is all about.
Ideas for laws come from many places ö ordinary citizens, the
President, offices of the executive branch, state legislatures and governors,
congressional staff, and of course the members of Congress themselves.
Constitutional provisions, whose primary purposes are to create
obstacles, govern the process that a bill goes through before it becomes law.
The founders believed that efficiency was the hallmark of oppressive
government, and they wanted to be sure that laws that actually passed all the
hurdles were the well-considered result of inspection by many eyes.
Similar
versions of bills often are introduced in the House and the Senate at
approximately the same time, especially if the issues they address are
considered to be important. The vast majority of bills never make it out of
committee, and those that survive have a complex obstacle course to run before
they become laws.
INTRODUCTION OF A BILL
Every
bill must be introduced in the House and Senate by a member of that body. Any
member of the House simply may hand a bill to a clerk or drop it in a
"hopper". In the Senate the presiding officer must recognize the
member and announce the bill's introduction. House bills bear the prefix
"H.R.", and Senate bills begin with the prefix "S." If a
bill is not passed by both houses and signed by the president within the life of
one Congress, it is dead and must by president again during the next Congress.
In
addition to bills Congress can pass resolutions, which come in several
types:
BILLS IN COMMITTEE
After
introduction, a bill is referred to committee, whether in the House or the
Senate. The Constitution requires that "all bills for raising revenue shall
originate in the House of Representative," but the Senate can amend bills
almost beyond recognition. However, because of this special power, the committee
in the House that handles revenue legislation - the Ways and Means - is
particularly powerful.
Most
bills die in committee, especially if they are only introduced to satisfy
constituents or get publicity for the member of Congress that introduces it. In
the House a discharge petition may be signed by 218 members to bring it
to the floor, but the vast majority of bills are referred to the floor only
after committee recommendation.
CALENDARS
For
a bill to come before either house, it must first be placed on a calendar: five
in the House, and two in the Senate.
The
Congressional Calendars are as follows:
House
Senate
Before
a bill can go to the floor in the House of Representatives, it must first go to
the Rules Committee that sets time limits and amendment regulations for the
debate. Bills in the Senate go
straight from committee to the floor.
FLOOR DEBATE
Important
bills in the House, including all bills of revenue, must first be referred to a Committee
of the Whole that sits on the floor, but is directed by the chairman of the
sponsoring committee. The quorum is not the usual 218 members, but 100 members,
and the debate is conducted by the committee chairman. Sometimes bills are
significantly altered, but usually the bill goes to the full floor, where the
Speaker presides, and debate is guided by more formal rules. The bills are not
changed drastically, largely because many are debated under closed rules. If
amendments are allowed, they must be germane, or relevant to the topic of
the bill.
Bills
in the Senate go directly to the floor where they are debated much less formally
than in the House. Senators may speak for as long as they wish, which leads more
and more frequently to a filibuster, the practice of talking a bill to
death. Although one-man filibusters are dramatic, usually several senators who
oppose a bill will agree together to block legislation through delay tactics,
such as having the roll called over and over again. A filibuster may be stopped
by a cloture, in which three-fifths of the entire Senate membership must
vote to stop debate. For example, Democratic senators have filibustered several
of Republican President George W. Bushâs nominees to the judiciary, resulting
in those judgeships going unfilled. No
limit exists on amendments, so riders, or nongermane provisions, or often added
to bills from the floor. A bill with many riders is known as a Christmas-tree
bill, and usually occurs because individual senators are trying to attach
their favorite ideas or benefits to their states.
VOTING
Voting
is also more formal in the House than in the Senate. House members may vote
according to several procedures:
The
Senate basically votes in the same ways, but it does not have an electronic
voting system.
CONFERENCE COMMITTEE ACTION
If
a bill is passed by one House and not the other, it dies. If a bill is not
approved by both houses before the end of a Congress, it must begin all over
again in the next Congress if it is to be passed at all. When the House and the
Senate cannot resolve similar bills through informal agreements, the two
versions of the bill must go to conference committee, whose members are
selected from both the House and the Senate. Compromise versions are sent back
to each chamber for final approval.
PRESIDENTIAL ACTION
A
bill approved by both houses is sent to the president who can either sign it or veto
it. If the president vetoes it, the veto may be overridden by two-thirds of both
houses. The president has ten days to act on a proposed piece of legislation. If
he receives a bill within ten days of the adjournment of the Congress, he may
simply not respond and the bill will die. This practice is called a pocket
veto.
Congress
is criticized for many things, but these practices are particularly
controversial:
PORK-BARREL LEGISLATION/LOGROLLING
By
the 1870s members of Congress were using the term ãporkä to refer to
benefits for their districts, and bills that give those benefits to constituents
in hope of gaining their votes were called pork barrel legislation. The term
comes from the pre-Civil War days when it was the custom in the South to take
salt pork from barrels and distribute it among the slaves, who would often rush
on the barrels. Critics point out that such actions do not insure that federal
money goes to the places where it is most needed, but to districts whose
representatives are most aggressive or most in need of votes.
A particularly controversial example was the mammoth 2005 Consolidated
Appropriations Act, which funded about 11,000 projects, from building a Civil
War Theme Park, renovating and building museums and health care facilities,
constructing several different halls of fame, and funding community swimming
pools and parking garages. The act
was criticized largely because so much of the money went to constituencies well
represented on the Appropriations Committees in Congress.
Logrolling occurs
when a member of Congress supports another member's pet project in return for
support for his or her own project. The term comes from pioneer days when
neighbors would get together to roll logs from recently cleared property to make
way for building houses. This "cooperation" occurs in Congress in the
form of "You scratch my back, I'll scratch yours." As with pork
barrel legislation, bills may be passed for frivolous reasons.
THE TERM-LIMITS DEBATE
The
Constitution imposes no limits on the number of terms members of Congress can
serve. Just as an amendment was passed during the 1950s to limit the term
numbers of presidents, many argue that terms of members of Congress should be
limited as well.
With
the growing prevalence of incumbency, supporters of term limits believe
that popular control of Congress has weakened and that members may become
dictatorial or unresponsive to their constituents. Others believe that the most
experienced members would be forced to leave when their terms expire, leaving
Congress without their expertise. The seniority system and methods of selected
party leaders would be seriously altered with questionable results. The demand
for term limits increased during the 1990s under House Speaker Newt Gingrichâs
leadership, but Congress did not vote to impose them.
INEFFICIENCY
Particularly
in this age where gridlock often slows the legislative process, many people
criticize Congress for inefficiency. Some
believe that the long process that bills must go through in order to become laws
does not work well in modern America. However, the process affirms the Constitutional design put in
place by the founders. Their vision
was that only well-reasoned bills become law and that many voices should
contribute to the process. From
that viewpoint, then, the nature of democratic discourse does not insure a
smoothly running, efficient Congress, but rather one that resolves differences
through discussion, argument, and the eventual shaping of legislation
appropriation
authorization
bicameral
caucuses
ãChristmas-tree
billä
closed
rules, open rules
cloture
Committee
of the Whole
conference
committees
Easley
v. Cromartie
ãelastic
clauseä
filibuster
germane
amendments
gerrymandering
incumbency
joint
committees
logrolling
majority
leader of the House
majority
leader of the Senate
malapportionment
marking
up
minority
leader of the House
minority
leader of the Senate
minority/majority
districting
oversight
party
whips
pigeonholing
pork
barrel legislation
president
pro tempore
resolutions:
simple, concurrent, joint
revenue
bills
select
committees
seniority
system
Speaker
of the House
standing
committees
term
limits
votes:
teller, voice, division, roll call, electronic