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NATIONALITY - The most important single cleavage in the Russian Federation is nationality. Although almost 82% are Russians, the country included sizeable numbers of Tatars, Ukrainians, Chuvashes, Bashkis, Byelorussians, and Modavians. These cleavages determine the organization of the country into a "federation," with "autonomous regions," republics, and provinces whose borders are based on ethnicity. Like the breakaway republics of 1991, many would like to have their independence, although most have trade benefits from the Russian government that induce them to stay within the Federation. A notable exception is Chechnya, a primarily Muslim region that has fought for several years for their freedom. The Russian government has had considerable difficulty keeping Chechnya a part of Russia, and the independence movement there is still very strong. Almost certainly, other regions are watching, and the government knows that if Chechnya is successful, other independence movements may break out in the country.
SOCIAL CLASS - The Soviet attempts to destroy social class differences in Russia were at least partially successful. The old noble/peasant distinction of Tsarist Russia was abolished, but was replaced by another cleavage: members of the Communist Party and nonmembers. Only about 7% of the citizenry were party members, but all political leaders were recruited from this group. Economic favors were granted to party members as well, particularly those of the Central Committee and the Politburo. However, egalitarian views were promoted, and the nomenklatura process of recruiting leaders from lower levels of the party was generally blind to economic and social background. Today Russian citizens appear to be more egalitarian in their political and social views than people of the established democracies. Many observers of modern Russia note that a new socio-economic class may be developing within the context of the budding market economy: entrepreneurs that have recently amassed fortunes from new business opportunities. However, the fortunes of many of these newly rich Russians were wiped away by the 1997 business bust, so it is difficult to know how permanent this class may be. Boris Yeltsin's government contributed to this class by distributing huge favors to them, and many believe that a small but powerful group of entrepreneurs sponsored the presidential campaign of Vladimir Putin in 2000.
Read about the Chechnyan crisis from both sides - Human Rights Watch, and a former Speaker of the Duma.
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